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OF 



MR. BLDLACK, OF PENNSYLVANIA, 



IN REPLY TO 



THE POLITICAL ATTACKS THAT HAD BEEN MADE UPON THE 
NOMINEES OF THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, 



AND IN DEFENCE OF 






THE YOUNG HICKORY: 




DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 4, 1844, 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE GLOBE OFFICE. 

1844. 



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SPEECH. 



In the House cf Representatives, June 4, 1844 — 
On the civil and diplomatic appropriation bill, in 
reply to the political remarks that had been in- 
troduced into the debate by the gentlemen who 
preceded him. 

Mr. Chairman: 1 concur most fully with the gen* 
tlemen tuho Imve expressed the opinion that the 
custom of making political speeches in this hall 
would be more u honored in the breach than in the 
observance." During the whole session I have re- 
frained from it, although constantly provoked to it 
by the course of some of my whig colleagues. 
They have omitted no opportunity, whether appro- 
priate or not, to bring forward whatever they 
supposed might have a political effect here 
or in the country, and have flooded the State of 
Pennsylvania, not only with what they have said, 
but with much that was not said. Those speeches, 
thus written out and published both in the English 
and German language, have loaded the mails during 
the whole session. 

As much of this political ammunition has been 
fired at the wrong mark, I could have been content- 
ed tojet it pass, and looked on rather in pity than 
i;: anger at these abortive efforts, if my colleague 
from Philadelphia [Mr. Morris] had not again en- 
tered the li3t, and attempted, as I think, to place the 
democracy of Pennsylvania in a false position. 
The discharges which they have made at that ex- 
alted and pure statesman, Mr. Van Buren, have 
either passed him like the idle wind, or fallen harm- 
less at his feet; and they are welcome to pick up 
this lost ammunition and throw it at the nominee of 
the Baltimore convention, if they would only wait 
until the I a ;iness for which the people sent us here 
13 transacted. After the adjournment of Congress, 
let the presidential campaign open; and then, if they 
are for a war of words, we shall be ready to meet 
them to their heart's content, and to carry it into 
Africa, or, at least, into Texas and Oregon. Come 
on, then,«McDuff. From the demonstrations wit- 
nessed here yesterday and to-day, it is plain the 
State of Pennsylvania is to lie the battle-field in the 
approaching contest. In crJer to afford an excuse 



for a political speech, one of my colleagnes [Mr* 
Pollock] lias offered an amendment to a section of 
the bill now under consideration. Thi3 amendment, 
in itself, is of no importance, because it merely di- 
rects one of our officers to do what he would do, as 
a matter of course, without any direction; and, in 
fact, it is already the law. Upon it, however, another 
colleague from Philadelphia has made a speech of 
about five minutes, devoted to an attack upon the 
Baltimore convention and upon Governor Polk, 
one of the nominees of that convention. Judging 
from past experience, it may be expected that this 
five-minutes speech will, in a few days, expand over 
eight pages of a pamphlet, and be upon the wings 
of the wind on its way into every district of Penn- 
sylvania, and perhaps into other States. Under 
such circumstances, silence on the part of the dem- 
ocratic portion of the delegation would no longer be 
a virtue, it would be a neglect of duty. While the 
gentleman from Philadelphia was pouring out the 
vials of his wrath upon the unoffending head of our 
candidate, because he had received a unanimous 
j nomination for the presidency, without managirg, 
! bargaining, and begging for it for twenty years, he 
| showed his discretion, if not his courage, in letting 
the candidate for the vice presidency pass s«S 
s'dentio. He knew that, where Mr. Dallas was 
known, he would be gnawing a file. 

Pie knew, also, that the blood of Dallas, as well 
as "the blood of Douglass, could defend itself." No 
votes could be made in his district, by an encounter 
in that quarter. All our whig friends who have fol- 
lowed up the example set them by the gentleman 
from Philadelphia, have shown the same disposition 
to quarrel with Governor Polk, and the convention 
thatnominated him. They seem really out of all kind 
of patience: indeed, sir, they are so cross, morose, 
and petulant under their disappointment, that they 
are really unpleasant to one another, and every one 
associated with them. And fnm what arises this dis* 
appointment? I will tell you, sir. It is not so much 
because Mr. Van Buren was not nominated, as 
because they have been disappointed in their fond, 
I but iL-5wiiidcd hopes, that the convention would 



make no nomination at all. When they saw the hon- 
est difference of opinion exhibited for several days 
in that convention, they forgot that it was composed 
of intelligent, honest, high-minded, and patriotic 
democrats, who, while they claimed the right 
(which should never be denied) of urging their favor- 
ites by all honorable means, would never endanger 
their principles through mere preference for men. 
They were democrats, who could say of their favor- 
ites, " not that I love Caesar less, but that I love 
Rome more." The delegates went there determined 
to make a nomination, and not to go behind the 
record, after it was made. In all this the whigs were 
disappointed. They had laid the flattering unction 
to their souls, that it would be otherwise. They 
predicted it while we were all gathered around that as- 
tonishing telegraph which communicates intelligence 
with such lightning speed; and when, as they stood 
wpon the parapet of the Capitol, and saw their pre- 
dictions falsified by the hand-writing upon the wall, 
they felt that they were "gone coons;" for nothing 
could outran the gallant Polk, unless it was the 
electricity upon Professor Morse's telegraphic wires. 
They knew that, however, expert Mr. Clay was at 
the game of brag, he never got along well with the 
old Pennsylvanian game called poke. Under such 
circumstances, Mr. Chairman, we must make alio w- 
ance for their testin ess and peevishness, and bear it 
with gentlemanly courtesy. It would have been 
just so if Mr. Van Buren, or any of the other dis- 
tinguished individuals named for the office, had teen 
nominated. They must feel conscious we could beat 
Mr. Clay with any of them; and when I take into 
consideration the manner in which they have abused 
and misrepresented Mr. Van Buren, and the means 
by which they defeated him in 1840, if it will afford 
them any satisfaction, and alleviate their feelings, 1, 
for one, will confess to them, it would have pleased 
me a little better, under all the circumstances, to have 
beaten them with Mr. Van Buren than with any 
one else, unless it was Pennsylvania's favorite son; 
but, as I have always contended, we could dis- 
tance them with any of our distinguished men, 
even my good nature will not permit me now to 
give them hopes of anything but defeat. 

The gentleman from Philadelphia [Mr. Morris] 
b.olds out some encouragement to his whig friends, 
by his liberal promises as to what Pennsylvania will 
do. Does the gentleman calculate upon the whole 
Keystone by an estimate of what his own district 
will do? Will he undertake to promise a majority 
for Mr. Clay in that? No, sir; no. A gentle- 
man who has been there since the nomination, in- 
forms me that Polk, Dallas, and Muhlenberg, will 
carry it by a thousand or fifteen hundred majority. 
Will my colleague, who offered this amendment, 
undertake to promise a majority in his district? If 
he does, sir, he will calculate without his host, and 
promise what, in my opinion, cannot be done. 

[Here Mr. B. was interrupted by a side-bar re- 
mark from Mr. Schenck of Ohio.] 

Sir, (said Mr. B.,) if the gentleman from Ohio 
wishes a little notice, he shall not be overlooked. I 
will pay my respects to him, although it may be as 
difficult to find him, or what he says, as it was for 
him to find General Harrison, and what he said, and 
where he went, although the gentleman told us yes- 
terday he went with him at the time he escaped 
from his keepers. I will own I did not pay much 
attention to the gentleman's remarks. I am willing 
to listen to an opponent as long as I believe he is 
serious and candid in what he says; but when he be- 



gins with special pleading that is unworthy of the 
occasion, I am under no obligation to be a "good 
listener." According to my recollection, however T 
of what he did say, he undertook to explain, if not 
to mystify, some of the numerous declarations of 
General Harrison against a protective tariff. But, 
sir, I have before me a letter from General Harri- 
son, written at Zanesville, Ohio, to Messrs. Foster, 
Taylor, and others, which shall be put wpon the 
record where the gentleman and his whig friends 
shall not escape from it. It shall meet them, and 
stare them in the face, like Banquo's ghost, upon 
every wall, and at every cross-road, whenever they 
attempt to frighten the people from the support of 
Governor Polk, on account of his tariff notions. In 
that letter General Harrison says: "I am for sup- 
porting the compromise act; and never will agree to its 
being altered or repealed." And yet, sir, the gentle- 
man from Ohio and my colleagues, and the whigs 
generally, could vote for him at a time when there 
was an occasion for a repeal, but are horrified and 
amazed at the bare idea of supporting a candidate 
whose sentiments they allege, without proof, are 
similar, when there is no necessity of a repeal, or 
in any way submitting it to his decision — it being al- 
ready repealed ! 

The friends of the tariff want no change of the 
law now, as they did then; it has already been 
changed by democratic votes in spite of Mr. Clay 
and some of his friends, who wanted to keep the 
question open for political effect and political cap- 
ital. The executive will have nothing to do with it. 
The law is signed and safe from all control until 
changed by legislative action. The case was far 
different in 1840, when the whigs voted for General 
Harrison with this letter before- them. It is there-' 
fore to be hoped we shall hear no more hypocritical 
canting against Governor Polk, on the score of the 
tariff. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Sum- 
mers] who addressed us this morning seemed to be 
apprehensive the wind would be taken out of their 
sail, and their thunder silenced from an intimation 
which I had given him in private conversation. That 
honorable gentleman has to-day, in our hearing, ex- 
pressed much earnest solicitude for the tariff of 
1842; but the friends of that law would have been 
more obliged to him, if he had given them the benefit 
of his vote in its favor in the last Congress, when he 
had an opportunity to do so. May they not say to 
him and others who voted against the law — "tinea 
Danaos et dona ferentes? Will not the noble and 
patriotic salesman of Linden wald say the same 
thing to those whigs who now seem so anxious to 
shed crocodile tears in his behalf? The same gen- 
tleman complains most piteously of the manner 
in which the convention made the nomination, and 
joins the member from Tennessee in saying that the 
people of that State will not believe in it without a 
certificate from General Jackson. Don't trouble 
yourselves, kind friends: when our candidate gets 
his certificate of election, it will make no difference 
whether he is nominated or not. Much complaint 
is made also by several gentlemen, on account of 
the vetoes of the present executive. But these com- 
plaints, a3 I contended in the last Congress, were- 
without foundation; for, before the election, 
stole Mr. Tyler's anti-bank thunder for their own 
use, where it was pleasant to hear it; and they could 
not expect him to renounce it or smother it, when 
they had no further use for it. He was to® honest 
and independent for that. 
It is to be hoped they will profit by experience. 



and hereafter act upon the Newtonian maxim, that 
"honesty is the best policy;" and if they want a na- 
tional bank, go for it "to nomine." It is true, Mr. 
Webster has called it an "obsolete idea." But if he 
could find as many reasons for changing his opin- 
ion on the question of a national bank, as 
some others have, he might follow the example 
of Mr. Clay, and change back again. If Mr. 
Clay could be elected, no one doubts that a 
national bank would be one of his first 
measures. But the gentleman from Ohio, by his 
interruption, has drawn me off into a long digres- 
sion, and caused me to neglect my colleague, who I 
hope will excuse me. He has also interrupted the 
tram of remark which I have hastily marked out. 
As this debate has been sprung upon us as if from an 
ambush, and has been to me entirely unexpected, 
the committee will, of course, pardon any want of 
method which they may discover. Sir, while I 
have the honor of giving a passing recognition to 
those of my whig friends who have preceded me in 
this debate, I may as well take this occasion to make 
my bow to the only remaining one, the gentleman 
from Tennessee, [Mr. Peyton,] who has just taken 
his seat. Tarn admonished that the sands of my 
hour are wasting, and I must be brief with him. 
As an offset to his revilings and bitter lamentations 
over the conduct of his nullifying democratic col- 
leagues in the Tennessee legislature, I will refer him 
to my tribulations with his anti-masonic and whig 
friends ;m the Pennsylvania legislature in 1835, 
when they forced the monster bank upon us no- 
Jfiw volens, in a bill under the title of "a bill to con- 
tinue the improvements of the State, and for other 
Purposes." If he looks at the journal, he will see 
1 had a vast amount of trouble in that matter, as 
well as on the committee raised by his political 
friends to investigate the evils of masonry— a fra- 
ternity entered into by Mr. Clay as a kind of 
"youthful indiscretion," And then there is the 
buckshot war. But to be serious: has the gen- 
tleman ever heard how, in this case, to carry out the 
doctrine of the proclamation to treat the elections as 
if they had never been held, a whig or anti-ma- 
sonic secretary of the Commonwealth presented to 
the legislature such returns as he fleemed proper to 
present alone, instead of all the returns? Has he 
heard of one of his leaders standing up on the rep- 
resentative floor and urging the elections of two 
speakers? Has he seen his political friends in the 
Senate, pursuing a course which brought our insti- 
tutions to the very verge of ruin? Has he seen the 
calm and deliberate conduct of a body of democrats 
assembled under the title of the "committee of safe- 
ty, who boldly stepped forward between the leaders 
o. the government party and the indignation of an 
excited populace? Has he heard of the armed occu- 
pation of Hamsburg, the prevalence of anarchy in 
th e> capitolfor some thirteen days at least' The pros- 
tration of all the plans of his party by the patriotic 
conduct of the seceding members, and the final res- 
toration of sound legislation 1 have all been noticed in 
their turn by the gentleman from Tennessee? And 
does he stand up here and reproach us with the 
dangerous tendencies of democratic principles." and 
tnank God that "his party is not like other parties'" 
Does he not remember that his party, or the leaders of 
it, did all this with the avowed purpose of holding 
trie government three years longer, in effect if not in 
[f *? e -' J* 1S proven that they designed to elect a 
t mted States senator, to deprive the governor-elect 
o. all patronage, if not to strip him of ail vestag*s 



of office by the slow proc iss of contesting the gu- 
bernatorial election; it is proved that they designed, 
to create new offices for the partisans holding over. 
And yet the gentleman claims for his party that 
they are exclusively the friends of law and order! 
But I cannot be detained further on this point, or 
stop to notice the course of his party in the State of 
Ohio. 

If the honorable member is still determined, in a 
spirit of self-righteousness, to consider the demo- 
crats of Tennessee, worse than the whigs of Penn- 
sylvania, I will throw in the whole of this "buck- 
shot war," which, he will remember, commenced 
m an official proclamation from a whig secretary of 
the Commonwealth, calling upon all the faithful 
whigs to "treat the election as though it had never been 
held." 

Is the gentleman willing to quit even on this 
score now? If he is, I will proceed to another 
point, with the passing remark, that pharisaic com- 
placency in a party, like the same spirit in an indi- 
vidual, is no very commendable virtue, and it is 
very frequently mortified by a faithful recurrence 
to facts. 

The next difficulty is, that we have in our ranka 
certain distinguished individuals, who once were 
federalists, and belonged to the gentleman's own 
party— mirabile dictu! This, it mustbe admitted, was 
a grievous offence; but will not my friend, in the 
amiability of his nature, make some little allowance 
for "youthful indiscretions?" For one, I give them 
credit for turning from the error of their ways, into 
which circumstances of education had led them, 
and consider them more excusable than Mr. Clay, 
who was brought up a democrat, and turned feder- 
alist. The same gentleman contends that Governor 
Polk and his friends did not expect the nomination. 
Sir, is this any crime, or offence, if true? But upon 
this point my friend is at issue with the respectable 
organ of his party in this city, as will be seen by 
an article in the National Intelligencer of this 
morning. I leave him and the Intelligencer to settle 
the dispute. No one will expect me to follow him 
in his efforts to elevate Mr. Clay, in the character of 
an eagle, into the regions of fancy above and beyond 
the clouds, where he scorched his wings so sud- 
denly in the rays of the sun, as to fall upon terra 
firma in the character of race-horse.] 

It was an unfortunate comparison that was made 
by the gentleman from Tennesse, of the candidate 
of the democratic party to a pony, and of his own to 
a successful racer, ("Eclipse,") when it was re- 
membered that, as often as that "Eclipse" had been 
brought into the field, he had been distanced; and on. 
one occasion, in 1840, was even deemed unworthy 
to enter the course at all. [Laughter.] 

Gentlemen on the other side were very much 
astonished that democrats should be induced to vote 
for a man who, according to their own showing, en- 
tertained the same principles and opinions as their 
own boasted leaders. Gov. Polk was in favor of a 
revenue tariff; and it was the true democratic doc- 
trine. They wanted only a tariff for revenue, with 
proper discriminations. 

He (Mr. B.) was in favor of such a rate of duties 
as would keep up a competition between the foreign 
producer and the domestic fabricator, to such an ex- 
tent that neither the one nor the other would have it 
in his power to impose upon the consumer. Thia 
he considered good and sound democratic doctrine. 
Yes, and for this he had the highest authority in the 
letter which had been read to-day from Qen. Jack- 



son himself. The gentleman from Tennessee [Mr 
Peyton] had said that Gov. Polk had never been 
known to swerve a hair's breadth from the doctrines 
of General Jackson, and he took it for granted, 
therefore, that he would still stand up to them. 

Gov. Polk would be found a satisfactory candi- 
date to the whole democracy of the Union; and, sir, 
I have already heard the first gun of rejoicing from 
the "star of the North" — the county of Columbia, 
in my district; which is good for a thousand majori- 
ty for the democratic ticket. This handbill from 
there says: "Now, by St. Pau<l, the work goes 
bravely on." It closes by saying: 

"The nominations have sent terror and dismay into the 
ranks of whigery. They find that all their 'cut and dry' 
thunder against Mr. Van Buren is now unavailable, and con- 
sternation appears to have taken hold of them. Poor fel- 
lows! a Waterloo defeat awaits them. So mote it be." 

The same feeling no doubt exi:-t3 in the other 
counties of the district, and throughout the State. 
The democracy will rally to the contest from every 
hill and valley, and meet their opponents with some- 
thing like the following inquiries', concerning their 
candidate: '.» 

If Clay received in 1824 a less number of votes 
for President than any other candidate before the 
people, what ground have you for inferring that he 
is now an "available" man? 

If, in 1828, the people kicked out John &. Ad- 
ams, and with him said Clay by a majority of near- 
ly 200,000, what reason have you fo*r imagining that 
he has gained popularity? 

If, in 1832, as a nominee of a regular national 
convention, Clay received 39 out of, 36 1 votes, how 
much favor must he at that time have gained in the 



trying periods of our political history, he distinguish- 
ed himself as a pure patriot, and an able statesman* 
During the memorable "panic session" of Congress,, 
when the United States Bank convulsed the country 
by its war upon the people and their representa- 
tives, Col. Polk gallantly bore the brunt of the bat« 
tie, and emerged victoriously from the conflict. As 
chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, he 
was peculiarly exposed to the malevolent assaults of 
the money power; and never did man in a similar 
emergency acquit himself with greater ability and 
firmness. In the responsible position of Speaker 
of the national House of Representatives, he also 
won golden opinions from all men. He was subse- 
quently made the candidate of the democracy of 
Tennessee for the office of governor, and with are 
overwhelming majority against his party, he suc- 
ceeded in overcoming all opposition, and carried the 
republican flag to an honorable victory. Col. Polk 
is familiarly known, throughout the length and 
breadth of the Union, as one of the ablest public 
debaters that ever sat in her parliamentary*councils s 
and his reports in Congress also testify to his com- 
manding talents as a writer. A report made by hiiro. 
during the Jackson bank war, sustaining that great 
measure of the illustrious hero, the removal of the 
deposites, has attained a high rank among our na- 
tional State papers, and won for its distinguished 
author imperishable renown. He is in all his rela- 
tions, public and private, wholly unexceptionable to 
the American democracy, ad worthy to occupy the 
highest office in the gift of a free people. 

It will also be found that the distinguished candi- 
date for the vice presidency, Mr. Dallas, is a native 



eyes of the people? Mu3t he not have been behind of Philadelphia, and tke elder 



of Alexander J* 



between 500,000 to 600,000 votes? 

If, in 1840, at the great Harrisburg convention, he 
was literally beaten off the course by a man far infe- 
rior in many respects to his Clayship, how much 
popularity had he then acquired to render him avail- 
able? 

If 23 States have, since 1S40, gone in favor of the 



Dallas, Secretary of the Treasury under Mr. Madi- 
son. As early as 1813, Mr. Dallas accompanied v 
Albert Gallatin, minister to St. Petersburg, as his 
confidential secretary, under the appointment of 
Mr. Madison. In August, 1814, Mr. Dallas re- 
turned to the United States, bearing the despatches 
from the American commissioners then holding 



democracy — and some of them the strongest, such their sessions at Ghent. In 1817, he was appointed 
as Ohio with 20,000 whig majority, and Nesv York : deputy attorney general for the city of Philadel- 
with some twenty more — how much has Mr. Clay j phia, and soon gave evidence of all those legal 
gained since 1840? adornments that have since won their way to envia- 

If, in the "banner State," where Clay resides, the ble renown. Having been among the first in Penn- 
whigs have come within an ace of defeat at the last sylvania to espouse the cause of General Jackson, 
election, how can you expect to elevate him to the that illustrious patriot, on his election to the presi- 
presidency? ■ | dency, appointed him district attorney of the United 

Sir, our opponents will find it a difficult task to States. In the year 1828, he was chosen to the 
answer these interrogatories even to their own satis- mayoralty of the city of Philadelphia. In the year- 
faction; and they will not be able to keep up their 1831, Mr. Dallas was elected to the United States 
present game of brag— they will have to give it up, Senate, in which enlightened body he ranked as one 
and strike their colors to our standard bearers, of its ablest and most accomplished debaters. At 



the close of his senatorial term, he was appointed 
by Governor Wolf attorney general of Pennsyl- 
vania, which he occupied until Mr. Ritner's eleetiora 
in 1835, when he of course withdrew. On the ele- 
vation of Mr. Van Buren, he was r ppointed envoy 



whose claims I have not time to set forth as 1 could 
wish. Those wishing information of the character 
and views of James K. Polk, will find them delinea- 
ted in the Democratic Review for May, 1838; and a 
notice of Mr. Dallas in the same work for February, 

1844. Those notices have recently been republished, extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Rus 
and will be in the hands of all who are desirous of sia, at which court he remained until 1839. 
information in relation to the distinguished individ-i The whig pappra, with admirable consistency, 
uals destined to be elected to the presidency and vice are now representing him as too conservative, be- 
presidency of the United States. j cause he obeyed instructions on the bank question, 

It will there be eeen that our. standard bearer in although, at the time nf the alteration of the ansti- 
our march to certain victory, is the bosom-friend tution of the State of Pennsylvania, ihiy consid- 
and neighbor of General ANDREW JACKSON, ered him an ultra democrat of the deepest dye ! 
the chosen associate and disciple of the veteran of My colleague [Mr. Morris] is endeavoiing to 
the Hermitage. He is a democrat without fear and create the impression that Governor Polk is in fa- 
above reproach, unsullied by a stain, either in his vor of free trade, at the same time that the very 
private or public character. In the most fearful and evidence to which he refers, gees to prove him an 



advocate for a revenue tariff. He complains that 
our candidate is an advocate for adhering to the 
spirit of the compromise, of which Mr. Clay was 
the boasted author, and which he advocated in the 
Senate, as late a3 1841, subsequent to which time 
the present law was passed by democratic votes, in 
spite of the exertions of some of Mr. Clay's bosom 
fiends against it. 

See his speech at the extra session, 1841: 
"Carry out the spirit of the compromise act. Look to 
Tevenue alone for the support of government; do not raise 
the question of protection, which J had hoped had heen put 
to rest. There is no necessity of protection for protec- 
tion " 

Mr. Clay, in a letter addressed last summer to 
the publishers of the "Tennessee Agriculturist," 
held out this pledge to the "free trade 11 politicians: 

'•I am so far a friend to free trade as to think that within 
the limits of the Union it should be entirely unfettered, and 
perfectly equal between all interests and all parts of our 
country." 

On a still later occasion, Mr. Clay said: 
"My opinion that there is no danger hereafter of a high 
tariff" is founded on the gratifying fact that our manufac- 
tures have taken a deep root. Even now, some branches 
of them are able to maintain, in distant markets, successful 
competition with rival foreign manufacturers." 

In order to disabuse the public mind of the im- 
pression which the whig3 are endeavoring to make 
that Henry Clay is the especial friend and advocate 
of a protective tariff, let us refer to his opinions on 
that subject, delivered t various times, and in va- 
rious ways, since he lust came before the people for 
their suffrages; 

Here are the extracts: 

"I never was in favor of duties hoing so high as to arvount 
to o prohibition ol articles on which they are laid. I have 
thought it best for all interests that there should be compe- 
tition." 

Again: 

"A tariff for that purpose (revenue) ought to be so adjust- 
ed as to afford reasonable encouragement to our domestic 
manufacturers. To impart to it that character it should be 
moderate. I was not in Congress in 182S, and therefore did 
not vote for the tariff of that year. The duties in many in- 
stances imposed by the tariff were -extravagantly high." 

Again, in a letter to F. S. Bronson, dated October 
13, 1843," Mr. Clay remarks: 

".After mv return to Congress, in 1831. my efforts were di- 
rected to the modification and REDUCTION of the rates of 
duty contained in the act of 1323. The act of 1832 greatly 
reduced and modified them: and the act of 1333, coinmonly 
called the compromise act, still further reduced and madified 
them. The act which passed at the extra session of 1841, 
which I supported, was confined to free articles. 1 had re- 
signed my seat in the Senate when the act of 1842 passed " 
"11 there beany EXCESSES or DEFECTS in it, (of which 
I have not here the means of judging.) THEY OUGHT TO 
BE CORRECTED." 

Here is an extract from a letter by Mr. Clay at 
New Orleans, to a committee of his whig friends in 
Virginia, dated January 23, 1844: 

"The prohibition of the fabrics of foreign countries would 
transfer the monopoly to the home manufacturers in the 
United States, i he true interests of the consumers are best 
promoted by a competition between the foreign and the na- 
tional supply. The inevitable tendency of that competition 
is to reduce prices, as all experience has demonstrated." 

In a letter to Mr. Meriwether, of Georgia, dated 
October 2, 1843, Mr. Clay held the following lan- 
guage: 

"I did not vote for the tariff of 1828, for which, however. 
Mr. VAN BUREN. Col. Bei'on, Col Johnson, Mr. Wright, 
and o'hers ofo-ir opponents, did vote. And it is remarkable, 
that from that period, MY EXERTIONS IN CONGRESS 
HWE BSEN DIRECTED TO THE REDUCTION AND 
MODERATION OF TARIFFS. Thus, in 1S31, I support- 
el that tariff - which GREATLY MODIFIED AND RE- 



DUCED the tariff of 1828 insomuch that it was supposed 
by reasonable men that it would or ought to SATISF V '1 H B 
NULL1FIERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 'J he next year, 
1833, I brought forward the compromise. (|rjM NEVER 
WAS IN FAVOR OF WHAT I REGARDED AS A HIGH 
TARIFF. NO MORE REVENUE SHOULD BE LEV- 
IED THAN IS NECESSARY TO AN ECONOMICAL 
ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT. {&- I 
SHOULD HAVE PREFERRED THAT THE COMPRO- 
MISE IN ALL ITS PARTS funiform duties of 00 per cent] 
COULD HAVE BEEN ADHERED TO." 
From the Savannah Republican, the leading Clay paper o 
Georgia. 
"WE DENY THAT Mr. CLAY. OR THE WHIGS OF 
GEORGIA, WHOSE CANDIDATE HE IS. SEEK FOR 
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A FROTECT1VE TAHHF; 
BUT Mr. CLAY ADHERES TO THE PRINCIPLES OF 
THE COMPROMISE ACT." 

Time will not permit a reference to all the evi- 
dences which go to show a design on the part of the 
whigs, sanctioned and aided by Mr. Clay him3elf, 
to endeavor to appear "all things to all men." 
Might we not well apply to him the poetic language 
which the gentleman from Tennessee could not 
remember this morning? It runs thus: 

"He wires in and wires out. 
And leaves the people still in doubt, 
W hether the snake that made the track, 
Was going South, or coming back." 

These extracts, which I have presented, I intend 
to place upon record for future reference; and if any 
of them are not genuine 1 , let them be corrected now. 
I pause for a reply. If there are none to deny their 
correctness now, let them "forever after hold their 
peace." The only one I have ever heard question- 
ed, is the extract from the speech in the Senate; 
and that I have altered to conform to»what the gen- 
tleman from Kentucky [Mr. White] contends for, 
not stopping to cavil as to the difference between the 
words "principles of the compromise," and spirit of 
the compromise — or the words "for protection," 
or "c/protection for protection." 

I have said, sir, the present law was passed in de- 
fiance of the efforts of some of Mr. Clay's friends, 
who wanted to keep the question open for political 
capital and political effect. I shall not be required 
to bring proof of this to satisfy members who were 
in the last Congress. Every one knows the course 
taken on that question by some of Mr. Clay's 
friends in the Kentucky delegation, and others. 
That the jlaw of 1842 was carried by democratic 
votes, is as well kn ^wn as that it has been sustained 
by them in this Congress. 

"The present tarift (remarks the Pennsylvar.um) is not a 
'whig tariff," it was not passed by a whig party in Congress. 
It is the tariff of IS42; and had all the democratic menders 
of both Houses voted against it, the bill would have be«n 
lost by a majority of over forty against it in the one House, 
and ten in the other. Without the democratic vote, it could 
not have been carried; and it is eminently ridiculous to call 
it a 'whig tariff," when no less than nine whig senators, 
and thirty -six whig representatives, cast their vo'es against 
its passage, the democratic aid being essential to its suc- 
cess." 

The Richmond Whig, the leading Clay paper in 
Virginia, says: 

"The fact that Mr. Clay is more of a free-trade mnn— ad- 
vocate as he is, of a wise and reasonable tariff -than A.r. 
Van Buren. is becoming generally known to the people of 
the South. 1 ' 

And then goes on to prove it by his letter to Mr. 
Bronson. 

"What said Mr. White of Indiana, a zealous whig, from 
his place in the Senate? Why, that 'without the votes of 
the opposition, (democrats.) Congress would have to ad- 
'ourn without giving any revenue to the government. For 
this aid he thanked them.' 'the "whig tariff" v ,.. tLcu 
passed by democratic votes. 



"riere was whig patriotism for you ! With a majority of 
forty in the House, and of ten in the Senate, they would, by 
their own confession, liave been compelled to adjourn with- 
out the tariff, without providing means to carry on the gov- 
ernment, had not the democrats come to the rescue, and 
saved them; but now, when it seems politic to do so, the 
•same coon' claims alfthe credit of the measure, and vapors 
about, puffing and blowing, that it is their tarifl'— their 
'whig tariff !' Theirs, indeed ! If party is to claim it at all, 
it is more properly: ours; for without us it would have failed 
utterly." 

In order to show the construction which the 
whiga themselves have placed upon Mr. Clay's re- 
cent speeches at the South, and his recent letters 
written for that market, permit me to refer to the 
opinion of senator Rives, in his celebrated letter of 
the 1st January last. In it may be found the follow- 
ing expression: 

"On the subject of the tariff' I do not hesitate to say Mr. 
Clay's creed, developed in his recent letters, is in every re- 
spect as just, as sound, and unexceptionable as that of Mr. 
Van Buren, and his practice infinitely better. Mr. Clay did 
not vote for, or approve of the tariff' of 1828, consigned to an 
odious celebrity under the name of the bill of abominations, 
which Mr. Van Buren and his friends carried bv their 



"I am, in great haste, 
citizen, 



with great respect, your fellow- 
H. HARRISON. 



See also the letter of Mr. Senator Preston, pub- 
lished in the National Intelligencer of April 16, 
1844, to the same effect, as follows: 

"Mr. Van Buren has strength enough to beat his friends, 
but not, as we believe, to beat his adversary. Upon what 
reason, then, upon what pretext, can our State vote for him, 
and what is to prevent her from giving that vote to Mr. Clay? 
The tariff', it is said— the tariff! the tariff'! Who that is likely 
now or hereafter to be elected President of the United States 
stands nearer to us on this subject than he? Certainly not 
Mr. Van Buren, or Gen. Cass, or Col. Johnson. He has 
placed himself on the compromise, which his opinion and 
his pride of opinion binds him to, and to which — with the 
advantage of position — he would be strong enough to bind 
the tariff' party. 

"For my part, whenever that compromise is tendered in 
good faith, I think the State is bound on the point of honor, 
as well as of expediency and sound policy, to accept it; and 
I know no other President but Mr. Clay, who could bring 
the legislation of the country to that result.-' 

This brings to my mind the letter of the gentle- 
man from Illinois, called out by one from my col- 
league, [Mr. Irvin.] According to the evidence pro- 
duced by the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. Hardin,] 
while Governor Polk was willing, with Mr. Clay, 
to range tiie duties to the rates of the compromise, 
he was opposed to direct taxes on the one hand, and 
prohibitory duties on the other. In this Governor 
Polk not only agreed with the declarations of Mr. 
Clay, the present whig candidate, but with General 
Harrison, the candidate of 1840, as I will now 
prove: 

In reply to the letter of H. W. Foster and others, 
of Zanesville, saying to him that 

"If it be your opinion that the American system should 
be revived, and that a tariff' should be laid for the purpose 
of protecting manufactures and making internal improve- 
ments, instead of raising a revenue merely sufficient to 
meet the wants of the government, wc cannot concur with 
you"— 

He wrote the following: 

"Zanksvillk, Novembers, 1836. 

"GENTLEMF.r;: I had the honor, this moment, to receive 
your communication of yesterday. I regret that my re- 
marks of yesterday were misunderstood in regard to the 
tariff' system. What I meant to convey was, that I had been 
a warm advocate for that system upon its first adoption — 
that I still believe ir. the benefits it had conferred upon the 
country; but I certainly never had, nor ever could -have, 
any idea of reviving it. What tsaid was, that I would not 
agree to the repeal, as it now stands, in other words. I am 
for supporting the compromise act, and never will agree to 
its being altered or repealed 



"WM. 
"Messrs. Foster, Taylor, and others." 

These were the sentiments of the whig candidate 
of 1840, who had, I presume, the hearty support of 
my colleague: but now, forsooth, he cannot tolerate 
for'a moment the same sentiments in Col. Polk, who 
really will have nothing to do with the tariff, as I 
consider the question settled. We have as good a 
law as we want. This was n®t the case in 1840. Then 
we wished a new law passed. My colleague could go 
for a man who would have voted a repeal of the 
compromise, but is horified at the bare idea of 
supporting a man, who will, if elected really, have 
nothing to do with the question, as the law- is 
already repealed! This is most admirable consis- 
tency: the only way it can be accounted for, is by 
supposing that my colleague considers the demo- 
cratic candidate honest and consistent, and that he 
did not believe his own candidate was. 

In order fully to represent the inconsistency of 
the whig candidate for the presidency, it is thought 
proper to present the following questions and an- 
swers: 

Who, just before his recent nomination, trav- 
eled through the whole south, electioneering for 
himself? Henry Clay. 

Who declined visiting Indiana previous to the 
State election in 1842, upon the ground that it might, 
be construed in an electioneering movement on his 
part 5 Henry Clay. 

Who visited Ohio on the eve of her State elections 
the same year, for the purpose of addressing two 
hundred thousand citizens of the Buckeye State? 
Henry Clay? 

Who has fiercely denounced Mississippi reputa- 
tion? Henry Clay. 

Who was the champion of the late national repu- 
diation act, alias bankrupt law? Henry Clay. 

Who was most active and efficient in favor of the 
annulment of Messrs. Blair & Rives's contract with 
the Senate? Henry Clay. 

Who made a beautiful speech in favor of the 
Christian religion during the days of the cholera? 
Henry Clay. 

Who was afterwards the chief adviser in the duel 
which resulted in the death or murder of Jonathan 
Cilley? Henry Clay. 

Who is held up by the whig party as the most 
consistent, honest, and patriotic public man in the 
nation? Henry Clay ! ! ! 

Who opposed the United States Bank in 1811, as 
an institution unconstitutional, inexpedient, and dan- 
gerous? Henry Clay. 

Who has been foremost in denouncing and abus- 
ing Andrew Jackson for putting down that institu- 
tion? Henry Clay. 

Who, shortly after our last war with Great Brit- 
ain, spoke of General Jackson, as one |^ r ho has 
shed so much glory on our country- — one whose re- 
nown constitutes so great a portion of the moral 
property of the nation?" Henry Clay. 

Who has been endeavoring for nearly twenty 



years past to tarnish the hard-earned reputation of 
the patriot Jackson, "whose renown constitutes so 
great a portion of the moral property of the na- 
tion?" Henry Clay. 

Who declared that he would. rather war, pesti- 
, lence.and famine, should sisit our shores, than that 
:ri a military man should be eiected President of tfctt 
United States? Henry Clay 



you for my sentiments to my letter to the Hon. Sborrod 
Williams. 



Who afterwards told his friends that they would j commend him to the people of Pennsylvania where? 
do him a particular favor by .voting for Gen. Harri- j that institution has been the cause of so much. 
«on, a military chieftain? Henry Clay. I wide spread ruin and misery? No, sir; no. He 

Who was held up by his friends as the father of must look for some other recommendation. Will he 
the protictive system? Who declared that he had j find it in the' coalition by which he secured the 



cherished that system with paternal fondness? Who 
quarrelled with democratic senators, because they 
consented to a reduction of the high tariff in 1832? 
Henry Clay. 

Who now endeavors to convince 'the Georgians, 
rthrough Dr. Bronson, that he regards, and has al- 
ways regarded, a high tariff as eminently dangerous? 
tHenry Clay. 

Who disputed the patriotism and veracity of John 
Ctuincy Adams a little upwards of twenty years 
ago? Henry Clay. 

Who helped to make John Quincy Adams Presi- 
dent, and then accepted office under his administra- 
tion with the question of veracity between them still 
unsettled* Henry Clay. 

Who joined a masonic society in very early life, 
and continued a member of it for nearly thirty years, 
attending its meeting quite freqently during his mem- 
bership, going through about six degrees, and on 
one important and interesting occasion acting as 
orator for the lodge to which he belonged? Henry 
Clay. 

Who wrote a letter to the anti-masons, declaring 
that, in early life, he became a mason through 
youthful curiosity , and that he never had a taste for 
the mysteries of the order? Henry Clay. 

Who spoke of Francis P. Blair, the present edi- 
tor of the Globe, as a personal friend with whom he 
.differed in political sentiment with the deepest pain? 
Henry Clay. 

He must have thought of the maxim of a Roman 
consul three thousand years ago, concerning the 
difference between a candidate before and after an 
election; or that he was only speaking, like Mr. 
Clay, on some occasions for the South, and had 
another opinion for the North, as is exemplified 
'.. the following verses: 

,; Clav — his two Tones. — The following parody is one of 
■tiie best hits of the. season. Mr. Clay is surely the grandest 
Specimen of a hypocrite in the universe: 

From the Goshen (la.) Democrat. 
ORATOR CLAY. 

BY DR. E. W. H. ELLIS. 

Orator Clay had two tone* in his voi/ie; 

The one squeaking thus, and the other down so; 
And mighty convenient he found them both — 

The squeak at the top and the guttural below. 

Orator Clay looked up to the North; 

"I'm for a tariff PROTECTIVE," said he; 
But he turned to the South with his other tone! 

"A tariff for revenue only 't will be?" 

Orator Clay to the North, with a squeak: 
"I'm for a Bank, for a National BANK'." 

Orator Clay to his friends at the South: 
"I confess my opinions are not very rank!' 

Orator Clay was a Mason of note- 
Not a secret, a sign, nor a word, did he slip; 

But Orator Clay all his secrets forgot, 
And really couldn't remember the grip! 

Thus to all orders, professions and creeds, 

Orator Clay gave atone of his voice: 
Why shouldn't all men of all parties agree. 

While every one found him the man of his choice? 

Orator Clay was in want of some votes — 

Candidates say it's a terrible want; 
But in spite of his squeak rind his guttural notes, 

The people have sworn that "come it" he can't. 

i This reminds me that Mr 

'"• ational bank 



Clay is in favor of a 
Does my colleague think thia will re- 



office of Secretary of State; or because, after that 
coalition, he abandoned all the republican principles 
that he had previously advocated, and thenceforth 
became the champion of old fashioned federalism;, 
or because his election would restore all the meas- 
ures of the administrations of both the elder and 
younger Adams; or because he took the lead in the- 
attacks upon the generally-approved administration 
of General Jackson: or that he was the author of the 
inmamous resolution in the Senate of the United. 
States, declaring General Jackson guilty of an im- 
peachable offence against the constitution, an tt 
urged the adoption of that resolution in the 
Senate, the only tribunal where such an offence was 
triable — thus making himself the accuser and judges- 
Will not the State that gave her fifty thousand for 
Gen. Jackson, "the noblest Roman of them all, 1 * 
spurn from her his accuser, and rally around the gal- 
lant Polk who so nobly defended him? Yes, sir, yes; 
you may depend upon that. The people of Penn- 
sylvania know right well, sir, the friendship and. 
confidence that always existed between the defender 
of New Orleans and the present democratic nomi- 
nee, who is a worthy son of a worthy sire; of whose 
ancestors it has well been said, they took up arms 
in defence of their country six months before war 
was commenced, and did not lay them down until 
a year after its termination. No wonder that "Young 
Hickory" is in favor of Oregon and the lone star of 
Texas too. He comes honestly by his aversion to 
British encroachments and British aggression. 

The gentleman must look in some other quarter 
for encouragement. Does he see it or hear it in the 
heartfelt rejoicing on the part of the democracy 
wherever the nomination has been announced? 
Does he hear it in the resolutions of confirmation, 
passed in his own city by the largest meeting evei- 
convened in Independence square? 

Allow me, sir, for the benefit of the whigs in gen- 
eral, and my colleague in particular, to read some of 
those resolutions: 

"Resolved, That in the proceedings of the Baltimore con- 
ventioa we have beheld the summer storm which purifies 
the atmosphere, succeeded by the bursting forth of the glo- 
rious sun, the harbinger of a bright and cloudless day. 

"Resolved, That we do cordially accept and confirm the 
nominations made by that convention, feeling assured that 
they will be hailed with hearty and enthusiastic approba- 
tion throughout the Union — the nominees being statesmen 
of approved public integrity and private worth, well calcu- 
lated to call forth and concentrate the votes of the great, 
democratic party, and do honor to its choice by an able and 
faithful discharge of the important duties which we are 
willing to confide in their hands." 

These are the sentiments that wdl spread like 
wild fire throughout the whole expanse of this wide 
republic, until the whole democratic family shall be 
warmed up to vigorous efforts, which will result in 
certain victory. Is the gentleman encouraged by 
the thunder "of the first gun from old democratic. 
Berks, proclaiming that old Berks will surpass al! 
her former efforts, and pledging the Keystone State 
for 25,000 majority? 

Does he find any encouragement in knowing that 
Berks, the residence of Mr. Muhlenburg, the well 
deserved popular candidate for governor, and the 
bosom friend of Jackson and Polk, will itself give 
4,000 or 5,000 majority? 

My colleague sees cause of rejoicing in the alleged. 



X\%H 



w 



^want of enthnsiam with which he thinks he discov- 
ers this nomination has been received. He must 
* k have optics keen." Does he infer it by contraries: 
Has he not read the reverse in all the papers from 
our State which have reached us since the nomina- 
tion was made? Can he not read it in the papers 
from other States? 

The Democratic Union, a spirited and efficient 
paper at Harrisburg, Pennsj Ivania, says: 
"Our cause is just— Our union is complete. 

"The nominations of Tolk and Dallas are received by the 
democratic press throughout the countiy, with expressions 
of universal delight. JNever, within our political expe- 
rience, have we witnessed a more general burst of enthu- 
siasm." ' 

The veteran and accomplished Ritchie of the 
Richmond Enquirer, thus nobly vouches for the 
Old Dominion: 

"Mr. Polk's nomination has been received at Richmond 
with enthusiasm. It heals all divisions; unites our party 
with bands of iron. It thwarts every hope which the whigs 
Lad indulged of discord and divisions. It Masts the election 
of Mr. Clay, and saves our country from the sceptre of the 
dictator. Mr Polk is true to all our republican principles, 
and he is the friend of 1 exas. M e shall go into the encoun- 
ter with renovated spirits, and with indomitable energies 
He will carry Virginia by thousands, end the Union by an 
overwhelming majority ." 

The Washington Spectator, (Mr. Calhoun's or- 
gan,) thus declares its satisfaction: 

"Although Mr. Polk's nomination was most unexpected 
"by us— as indeed it must have been to most of our readers — 
yet we hail it with the most cordial and sincere approba- 
tion. We hail it as the first fruits of that harmony, concert, 
and thorough union, which are returning to our party, and 
under whose influence we shall go forth to battle, animated 
and strengthened with the conviction, that under these bless- 
ed auspices we can triumphantly elect him " 

The New York Plebeian, one of the leading organs 
of Mr. Van Buren, in the Empire State, expresses 
itself perfectly satisfied, and says: 

"Thus we see that our candidate for the presidency has 
filled various honorable stations in the councils of the na- 
tion, and the highest oftiee in the gift of the people of his 
State. And he is destined shortly to be elevated to the 
highest of all earthly stations. Mr. Polk's private character 
is as pure as his public life has been exalted; and the coun- 
try does not furnish a man of more pure, and steadfast devo- 
tion to the great and fundamental principles of our repub- 
lican government than James K Polk, the personal and po- 
litical friend of Andew Jackson and Martin Van Buren " 

The Globe magnanimously sacrifices all its pre- 
dilections in favor of Mr. Van Buren on the altar of 
the common good, and proclaims its high satisfac- 
tion with the nominations of Polk and Dallas. 

The Pennsylvania!) unrols the flag of the regular 
nominees with the remark, that — 

"There are no better men— none more truly democratic, 
honest, and courageous— none more free from stain, or more 
unassailable by calumny " 

The Pennsylvania Argus, a most zealous, and effi- 
cient Cass paper heretofore, has now, with its accus- 
tomed ability and energy, nailed the nomination to 
its mast head. The same may be said of every 
democratic paper which has come to my notice; but 
as I have no more before me, I cannot refer to them: 
while, on the other hand, at least one whig paper 
in Pennsylvania, the "Luminary" has deserted Mr. 
Clay, and prominent whigs in Pennsylvania have 
likewise. 

For the purpose of showing how this nomination 
will be received everywhere, take the following 
example. When Mr. Mellville was addressing the 
immense ratification in New York, he said: 

"Ifwedobut half as much for the cause as the 
cause will do for us, we will most assuredly tri- 
umph. [Cheers.] Let us go into this collet heart 



and hand; with an inveterate spirit of determination 
that causes its opponents to give ground. We do 
not recognise the existence of any such word as 
'fail." [Cheers.] I have carefully examined the 
democratic dictionary, the last edition, 1844; and 
there is no such words as "fail" in it. [Laughter, 
and tremendous cheering.] To use a strong Saxon 
idiom, I feel it in my very bones that we will beat 
their. — [terrific cheering.] We will establish a per- 
manent democratic ascendency, under our chosen 
standard bearers, Polk and Dallas — [great cheering] 
— t he accomplished Pennsylvanian, and the young 
hickory tree of the. great and growing West. [Great 
cheers.] The old Keystone has never furnished 
the Union with either President* or Vice President, 
and it causes her to feel badly, and she cannot avoid 
complaining. But let her be easy and contended. 
She should not complain, for she is going to fur- 
nish one now. [Cheers.] As for James XL Polk, 
the next President of the United States, we, the un- 
terrified democracy of New York, will re-baptize 
him; we will give him a n*me such as Andrew 
Jackson won in the baptism of fire and blood at 
New Orleans; we will re christen him. Efereafter 
he shall be known by the name that we now give 
him — it is Young Hickory. [Here the cheering 
was deafening, and continued for some moments. 
A voice — "you're a good twig of Old Hickory too" 
— lausrhter, and renewed cheering.] We have had 
one old hickory tree. Its trunk is yet green and 
undecayed. Sixteen millions of Americans have 
reposed under its shade in peace and happiness; 
It is yet vigorous — but it cannot live forever. Ar.d- 
now, to take its place, is springing up at its very 
side a talLand rmbie sapling, it imbibes its nour- 
ishment from the same soil. It flourishes in the 
snme atmosphere. It springs from the same staunch 
old democratic stock. It is heart of oak and sound 
to the core, it grew originally upon the same Car- 
olinian Ground.. Like if, it was early transplanted 
t> the West. There it has struck Us root wide and 
deep. It will yet be cradled in the tempest and 
rocked bv the storm. Storm and tempest will alike 
beat against it in vain. Its growth cannot le 
cheeked. It is destined to reach a correspondent 
elevation with the parent stem. 

"We and our children will yet live in prosperity 
under the br< ad branches of this one young hickory 
tree. On the 4th day nf March next, that young 
hickory will he transplanted by the people to the 
people's house at Washington; and you and T, and 
all of us, will assist in that transplanting. [Enthu- 
siastic and long-continued cheering followed this 
very happy burst.] We are going into this fight on 
the'great and fundamental principle of a philoso- 
pher— greater than the groves of the ac 'emy can. 
boast — a native-born, homespun, and iaikwoods 
philosopher — Davy Crockett. [Roars of laughter.] 
The principle that 'he has given to the world has the 
advantage of combining in itself the sum and 
essence "of all practical wisdom: "Ee always sure 
you are right, then go ahead." We are sure that 
we. are right; are we not? [Terrific cheering.] 
Well, then, we arc right, and we are going ahead; 
and all the federalism and whigcry in the haul can- 
not s'oo us. [Cheers.] The ii.'domitaMe democra- 
cy < f New York have, by tliis overwhelming detr> 
onstration, set an ex.- m pic to ihe whole Union; and 
we call upon the democracy every win re to nsp. nJ 
to it in like spirit and in 'like manner. We. now 
proclaim from what is left of the State of Maine — 
what Wel.ster and Ashburton, and other highly 



W»r / X 



respectable gentlemen, have left of it — [groans] — to 
Georgia, and from the Atlantic to the farthest con 
6nes of Oregon and Texas, that we are united, and 
once more stand shoulder to shoulder. [Great 
■sheering.] Past divisions are healed. Former ani 
Iftiosities buried and forgotten. We are all brethren 
Our only aim — our only endeavor in this coming 
contest will be to emulate each other in penetratini 
farthest, and striking deepest into the ranks of th« 
tommon enemy. [Cheers.] Our signal of battled 
identical in spirit, and almost in language, with thai 
fcrhich animated the haughty islanders at Waterloo 
fyhen they rushed to that final and irresistible charge 
that sealed the fate of Europe. Let our war-cr\ 
fcho far and wide. The democratic war-cry is 
jpp, democrats, and at them!" 

7 But the gentleman from Illinois finds some en- 
couragement in the fact that Gov. Polk has not 
always been successful in his own State. Does the 
gentleman forget that Mr. Clay has often tried, and 
elways been repudiated. He read also to show that 
|VIr. Polk was no duelist; but could act with Chris- 
tian forbearance. Sir, can the gentleman imagine 
jthis is to be a disqualification? Must a candidate be 
,f et aside as unworthy because his hands are not red 
wvith the blood of his victims, and because he is not 
finder bonds to keep the peace? There is no more ne- 
cessity of a candidate for the presidency being a 
duelist than there is for his being a gambler. The 
gentleman must look for more substantial objections 
ll^ainst Gov. Polk than the insinuation that he never 
endeavored to commit murder, or encouraged it in 
Others. Shade of the murdered Cilley! has it come 
to this? The gentlemen from Illinois and from Ten- 
jMbraee, who also allude to it, will perhaps next ob- 
ject to Mr. Polk that he is not a gambler, and has 
lifever desecrated these halls with oaths of profanity; 
Xd has never, in a passion, said to a member, "Go 
pne, God damn you! where you belong," as Mr. 
■fey said to Gov. Polk. Gov. Folk Will now take 
the advice, and go to the white house. 

But' it is said our candidate must not be elected 
because some one was opposed to his nomination 
far the vice presidency, and expressed an unfavora- 
ble opinion of him for that office as compared with 
another candidate. But what were the opinions ex- 
pressed of Mr. Clay by a circular issued by the 
l whigs themselves, which I promised to refer to? 

i In 1840, (says the Democratic Banner,) the fed- 
eralists of New York and the New England States 
were so well assured that Henry Clay never could 
|ft elected President, that they addressed "a circular 
h the whig party," from which I take the following 
extract: 

. "Herein the friends of Mr. Clay have made a fatal mistake, 
wftheir love for him they forget that a hattle is to be fought. 
lBWiusiasra will not always overpower SUPERIORITY OF 
JfcJMBERS. If it could, Mr. Clay would have been Presi- 
dent long ago. 

"If Mr. Clay runs, he will meet wi.h opposition from old 
(■Wy antagonists whose heads have grown gray in political 
iniquity. 

"The old JACKSON MEN will oppose him. 

"The violent ANTI-MASONS will oppose him. 

"The Irishmen, who have already denounced him for 
PS ATTACK ON OCONNELL, will oppose hirn. 

"The enemies of the UNITED STATES BANK will op- 
Mse him. 

"The WESTERN SQUATTERS will oppose him. 

"The southern STATE RIGHTS MEN will oppose him. 
fSo say several leading whig papers in Georgia ) 

"Now, IN THE NAME OF HEAVEN, SHALL WE RUN THE RISK 
! tt THIS OPPOSITION, &C." 

j " 'Now, in the name of Heaven,' can we 'swal- 
Iqw' him now any more than we could then?" ex- 



claimed a consistent whig who read this article a few 
clays since. Will the gentleman inform the public 
vhat Mr. Clay has done since 1840 to produce such 
i reversion of public sentiment in his favor as it is 
\sserted there has been? 

These were the opinions contained in the circular. 
What are the opinions expressed of Mr. Clay by 
-iome of the leading whigs? 

General Harrison's opinion of Henry Clay: 
*'I will do my duty, even if Mr Clay is to be benefited by 
t, from whom I have experienced onlv UNGkNEROUtf 
TREATMENT, IN REQUITAL FOR" YEARS OF DE- 
MOTED SERVICE." 

General Harrison's letter to Mr. Brent, in the 
winter of 1841: 

"I have done him (Mr. Clay) many favors, but he has re- 
urned them all with the BLACKEST INGRATITUDE." 

What says Mr. Bela Badger — not Bela, 1 beg par- 
Ion — but another Badger, Mr. George E. Eadger? 

"Mr Clay, of Kentucky, was one of the four candidates 
or President; but, having the lowest number of electoral 
votes, was excluded from the House. The State from which 
ie came had instructed her members, in the event which 
iad then happened, to support General Jackson; but, under 
he influence of Mr. Clay, a man of intrigue, and of elo- 
quence, of unbounded ambition, and of talents above me- 
diocrity, these members, with those of other western States, 
voted for Mr. Adams, and his election was the result. Im- 
mediately after his elevation, Mr. Adams appointed Mr Clay 
Secretary of State, in power and influence the second sta- 
tion of our government, and generally thought to be an in- 
troduction to the first. 

"Between these two gentlemen there had been previously 
neither confidence nor affection ; and Mr Clay had publicly 
expressed, in language not to be misunderstood, a disbelief 
of Mr. Adam's political integrity and patriotism. 

"Thus, then, as we conceive, it sufficiently appears that 
Jackson, the man of the people, was, at the last election, 
defeated, not upon any considerations of comparative merit 
between Mr Adams and himself, but in order that Mr Clay 
might be Secretary of State, and heir apparent to the presi- 
dency. And can it be seriously contended that you ought, 
or that you properly can, give your sanction to this apostacy 
from principle — your support to this ambitious project? Be- 
cause Mr. Clay once forgot his duty, and imposed upon the 
nation a President whom the nation did not desire, ought 
you to forget your interests and your rights, offer a reward 
to treachery, and thus set an example fatal to the fair and 
equal operation of our constitution?" — Address to the people 
of North Carolina in 1828, written by Mr Badger. 

Mr. Badger was Secretary of the Navy under 
General Harrison, and is now one of Mr. Clay's 
warmest supporters in North Carolina. What 
honest principle can bring such men together? 

It seems, Mr. Chairman, from the following, there 
are some whigs who would not condemn a candi- 
date for receiving a nomination as a fiee-will of- 
fering, such as has been tendered to Governor Polk. 
I quote from the same address to the people of 
North Carolina: 

"Do we not now see this same Henry Clay, forgetful rf 
what belongs to his high station, [aspirations,] assumt the char- 
acter of a TRAVELLING SPEECH- V1AKER,- haranguing 
'public gatherings' at New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, and 
Charleston— sometimes, it has been said, on the SABBAT! H 
DAY— and for what purpose? None other than TO MAKE 
HIMSELF PRESIDENT! How degrading to the high of- 
fice to wnich he aspires! How shocking to the sensibilities 
of every patriotic American!" 

Another opinion of Henry Clay, expressed by the 
honorable George E. Badger: 

"Vou have seen the Secretary of State challenging to 
mortal combat a member of Congress \for daring, in ha 
place on the floor of the Senate, to examine with freedom, 
and expose with boldness, the conduct of the secretary. 
You have seen the same officer, forgetful of what belongs 
to his high station, ASSUME 1HE CHARACTER OF A 
TRAVELLING SPEECH-MAKFR, and harangue public 
gatherings in Kentucky, Pennsylvaria and \ irginia. Jolt- 
ing of his intrepidity and virtue, and discharging his mal'f- 
nity towards Jackson, sometimes in cross abuse, and ton.e- 
times in impious appeals to Heaven." 



TF 



Opinion expressed by the Boston Atlas (the 
leading whig paper of' Massachusetts) of Henry- 
Clay: • 

"We supported him [Clay] once for the presidency, ANT) 
"WOULD DO SO AGAIN WERE WE NOT, IN SO DO- 
ING, ALMOST SURE OF DEFEAT. BUT MR. CLAY 
IS DEFICIENT IN POPULARITY. * * * * 

Mr. Clay's influence failed to sustain J. Q. Adams in the 
presidential chair. With all the efforts made to elect Mr. 
Clay himself in 1832, he succeeded in obtaining only fofty- 
-m'ne electoral votes; and, in the election of 1836, himself and 
iis friends were so well satisfied of his deficiency in popular 
-ifavor, that they did not attempt to run him at all. Is not 

THIS DECISIVE EVIDENCE AS TO MR. Clay's POPULARITY?" 

The Atlas of Sept. 14, 1838. 

"That Mr. Clay is the chosen candidate of the aristocracy 
of the whig pariy, is unquestionable; and it is equally un- 
questionable that very earnest and zealous efforts will be 
miade to impose him upon the whigs as their candidate. It 
is also certain that Mr. Clay is not the choice of the democ- 
racy of the whig party. Apart from other sufficient rea- 
sons, therefore, which we shall give hereafter, the very 
rTact that Mr. Clay is the darling of the aristocratic whigs, or 
xather the very cause which makes him so, operates, in the 
Jiature of things, to prejudice him in the eyes of the demo- 
cratic whigs, and to lead them to fix their choice upon some 
other candidate."— The Atlas, ofNov.20, 1838. 

Opinion of Henry Clay, expressed by the Hon. Thomas 
Butler King, a leading whig of Georgia, in 1840. 
"He (Mr. Clay) has recently hoisted the flag of a fifty mil- 
lion bank. This is his last great move for the presidency. 
He says, in language not to be misunderstood, to commer- 
cial and manufacturing interests of the North, 'Make me 
President, and I will give you a bank of fifty millions.' He 
"was the father of the American system, and now seeks to 
"be the father of a national bank. SUCH A PROGENY, 
XEAGUED WITH SUCH A PARENT, WOULD CON- 
SOLIDATE THE UNION IN AN UNMITIGATED DES- 
POTISM, OR BREAK IT INTO FRAGMENTS. 1 ' 

Webster 's opinion of Mr. Clay. 

"Henry Clay has too many heresies about him ever to 
gain my support." 

These opinions from leading men of his own 
party might be multiplied almost ad infinitum. Let 
•us now give a specimen from the declarations of dis- 
tinguished democrats: 

Jefferson's opinion of Mr. Clay. 

"Henry Clay is merely a splendid orator, without any 
-valuable knowledge from experience or study, or any DE- 
TERMINED PUBLIC PRINCIPLES, founded in political 
science, either practical or theoretical." 

Randolph's opinion of Mr. Clay. 
"He is talented, but corrupt. He stinks and shines, and 
shines and stinks, like a rotten mackerel by moonlight." 

Jackson's opinion of Mr. Clay. 
"Under such circumstances, how contemptible does this 
•demagogue appear, when he descends from his high place 
an the Senate, and roams about the country retailing slan- 
ders upon the living and the dead." 

These opinions might be continued in the same 
manner; but I forbear, not desiring to disturb too 
far the self-complacency of my whig friends. I will 
only refer to the following: 

The Eastern Argus hits off the whig nominee 
for the presidency with scorching accuracy. It 
describes the following as the traits of character 
"which, in the estimation of the whigs, constitute the 
*neplus ultra of "availability: 1 ' 

"A CHRISTIAN who has three or four times shown his 
bravery by attempting to take away the life of his fellow- 
men in a duel. 

"A STATESMAN who is for a high proteetive tariff in 
-the North, for a horizontal tariff in the middle States, and 
for free trade in the South. 

"A CHIEFTAIN who fights duels, and curses worse than 
Any other man in his State, and who, at the age of 70 years, 
is under bonds to keep the peace, 

A PHILANTHROPIST who, if he cannot have BLACK 
slaves, is determined to turn his fellow-men into WHITE 
«nee! 



"A REPUBLICAN, whose wife and daughters are tco 
good to work in the kitchen. 

A DEMOCRAT who, by a base coalition, CHEATED 
General JACKSON out of his election in 1825. 

"A POLITICIAN who joins each and every faction, how- 
ever discordant their sentiments, and secretly pledges him- 
self to each to carry out his designs. 

"A GENTLEMAN who says to the Speaker of Congress, 
(Col. Polk) 'Go home, G— d d— n you, where you belong/ " 

"Such are the qualifications which constitute Mr. Clay a 
Simon Pure in the eyes of coonism, and entitle him to their 
support. What say the people?" 

Now, sir, I wish you to take notice that this de- 
bate has been forced upon us by the whigs. They 
have provoked us to carry the war into Africa, to 
place them and their candidate on the defensive. 
We have done so, and we will keep him there. 
The gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. Peyton] 
represents our candidate as a "bob-tail pony, 1 * 
and a "grovelling duck in the ditch," while theirs 
is represened as a gallant race-horse at one 
moment, and at the next a "towering eagle flying 
through the sun." Of him, for myself, I express 
no opinion — because I have but a poor one; but for 
the purpose of clipping a little the wings of this 
"eagle," I show you what /riends and foes have 
said of him. 

Some of the whigs pretend that they do not know 
"who this James K. Polk is." Well, if they want 
to see him, they will find him at the White House 
after the 4th of March next. It is true he is not so 
notorious for some things as their candidate is; and 
it is not part of my business to enlighten wilful ig- 
norance; yet, as I am in a good humor, and desire 
to be accommodating as possible, I will call one wit- 
ness to the stand to testify concerning his know- 
ledge of Mr. Polk. As I have only time to examine 
one witness, I will produce one that the whigs can 
give no good reason for disbelieving; I will refer 
them to the letter of John Banks, late whig candi- 
date for governor in Pennsylvania. I suppose my 

colleague knows him. The following letter was ad- 
dressed to Speaker Polk, by Judge Banks, at the 
time Mr. Banks resigned his seat in Congress: 

"March 31, 1836. 

"Sir: In communicating to you my resignation, I cannot 
refrain from assuring you of the very high estimation in 
which I hold you individually, and of my entire approbation 
of your conduct and deportment as presiding officer of the 
House. I will add that, in my judgment, you discharged all 
the arduous duties of the chair with a degree of liberality, 
impartiality, ability, and dignity, which did honor to your- 
self, and also to the body over which you presided. 
"Very respectfully, yours, kc. 

•JOHN BANKS." 

Do gentlemen expect the confidence and support 
of the people for their candidate, for having broken 
all the promises which they made during the last 
canvass for the presidency? In 1840 the whig lead- 
ers made the following promises: 

That they would appoint no members of Congress 
to office. 

That they would make no removals for opinion's 
sake. 

That they would reduce the expenditures. 

That they would pay off the national debt. 

Tbat they would separate the "purse and the 
sword" from the hands of the executive. 

That they would make a sound and uniform na- 
tional currency. 

That they would "regulate the exchanges." 

That they would raise the prices of produce. 

That they would increase the wages of labor. 

That they would "relieve the people." 

Not one of these promises have been fulfilled. 

I do not approve of the mode of reasoning resort- 



13 



ed to by our opponents; but it was a maxim of the 
father of his country, that it was justifiable to meet 
the enemy with their own weapons. 1 have some- 
where met with the following, about 

TWO DOLLARS A DAY AND ROAST BEEF. 

In the year eighteen hundred and forty, 

The song of promised relief, 
Which was sung to the poor by the haughty, 

Was "two dollars a day and roast beef.*" * 

Then the banners were flying and streaming; 

To reason the people were deaf, 
They went through the universe screaming 

•Two dollars a day and roast beef." 

Medals, sashes, and badges now flourished, 

With portraits betokening grief: 
The wearers hoped they should be nourishM 

With "two dollars a day and roast beef." 

The woodchuck. the skunk, and the coon, too, 

And the fox, that inveterate thief, 
Lent their skins to the whigs, with this tune, too— 

•Two dollars a day a day and roast beef."' 

They swigg'd and they guzzled hard cider, 

In masses beyond all belief; 
"Mid the fumes, their mouths opened wider — 

•Two dollars a day and roast beef !*' 

The star then above the horizon 

Was soon overshadow'd with grief: 
For the people have never set eyes on 

■Two dollars a day and roast beef." 

The pledges were broken— truth banished: 

Where now was the promised relief ? 
The dream of i; two dollars-had vanished, 

And also the hope of "roast beef." 

My democratic friend from Ohio [Mr. Doncan] 
having presented the banners under which you 
"stooped to conquer" in the last contest, I will not 
stop to. comment upon them; but will refer you to 
the Young Hickory, under whose branches the de- 
mocracy will rally, and 2:0 forth to certain victory. 

Four members of Congress received cabinet offi- 
ces on the very day General Harrison was inaugu- 
rated; and the number since appointed and con- 
firmed by the Senate, is probably greater than was 
appointed in the same time by any former adminis- 
tration. 

More removals have been made on account of po- 



litical principles, than under any former President. 
Mr. Granger, the new whig Postmaster General, 
boasted of having removed 1,700 postmasters du- 
ring the six months he was in office, (being at the 
rate of about 100 per day,) and declared that he 
would have removed 1,700 more, had he held the 
office six months longer. 

The expenditures during Mr. Van Buren's last 
year were $22,351,147. During the first year of 
the "retrenchment" whigs, they were $26,394,243; 
and during the next two years, averaged near -§25,- 
000,000!!! * 

The national debt, when Mr. Van Buren retired, 
was about $5,000,000. Now it is over $25,000,000 ! 
And had not President Tyler interposed his veto, it 
would have been near $50,000,000. 

Under Mr. Van Buren, a law was passed impo- 
sing a fine and penalty on all officers who used the 
public moneys for private purposes; and thus effec- 
tually separated what the whigs call the "purse 
and sword." This law the whigs forthwith repeal- 
ed, and provided no substitute. So that the "purse 
and sword," if their own representations were cor- 
rect, are still in the hands of the President. 

The currency is more sound and uniform than it 
was at any time during the existence of the national 
bank — but no thanks to the whig Congress. It re- 
jected a bill requiring the banks in the District to re- 
sume specie payments, and repealed an act which 
Mr. Clay admitted would furnish "the best redeem- 
able currency in the world." 

The exchanges are also more favorable than they 
were under the regulation of the national bank; but 
not in consequence of anything done by the whio* 
Congress. They have been "regulated" chiefly by 
the resumption of specie payments, and the increased 
coinage and circulation of gold, which the whig 
leaders everywhere opposed. 

Most, if not all, their promises were violated in 
like manner, and for these "breaches of promise" they 
will be convicted and condemned by the people — 
the high court of error and appeals— at the fall ses- 
sions, which are to be convened throughout the cir- 
cuit of the Union for the purpose of their trial, and 
from which tribunal they cannot hope to escape. 



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